The government of Haɗejia in the 19th century, like other emirates of the old Sokoto Caliphate, was based on autocracy. The emir who was a spiritual as well as temporal head was at the helm of affairs. He was assisted in governing by a class of officials or titleholders who were resident in his court. It was only the Sarkin Auyo who was permitted to stay outside the headquarters: he lived permanently at Auyo town. The composition of these title holders or Hakimai was made up of 'Yan Sarki (Princes), Dangin Sarki (emir's relatives), Barorin Sarki (clients), and Bayin Sarki (slaves). The structure of this emirate's administration was never dominated by the "Fulani ruling caste", since the heterogeneous nature of the area was taken into cognisance in the distribution of both civil and military offices. For example, during Sambo's reign the title of Madaki was held by a Bamange and that of Galadima was given to a Ba-Auyaki, both non-Fulani tribes. Militarily, the emir was the Commander-in-Chief of the emirate, delegating his function in practice to Sarkin Yaki (Captain General or War Chief), Jarma (Chief of the Brave Ones), Madaki, Sarkin Arewa and other war chiefs. The composition of the entire military force was made up of courtiers, title-holders and their household slaves, Dogarai (the emirate's bodyguards) and contingents from the "fiefs". Haɗejia had two broad sectors of the army: the cavalry (Barade) and foot soldiers. Militarily the emirate was considered to be the strongest emirate east of Kano. This reputation it enjoyed and enhanced right from the days of the Buhari Revolt up to the coming of the British. The nature of the society of Haɗejia emirate unlike most of the other emirates of Hausa land was ethnically and religiously diverse in composition. Yet, despite this diversity, the emirate was united by a common religion (Islam) and language (Hausa) which serves as a lingua franca. Islam was the religion of majority of the emirate's inhabitants. It is both a religion and away of life. Islamic law regulates the life and activities of the people and provides a common bond of unity. Indeed, both the Muslim majority and non-Muslim minority of the pre-colonial Haɗejia saw the Emir of Haɗejia as their overall leader even though they had their respective local community heads. All Hadejawa (the people of Haɗejia) irrespective of ethnic or religious differences converged periodically at the Capital and celebrated the Muslim feasts of EIDs, with the diverse people interacting freely. Also, there was evidence of inter-marriages between them. Economically, Haɗejia in the period before the colonial epoch was a wealthy and industrious emirate. The economy primarily rested on agriculture, with the household serving as the basic economic and social unit, and the household heads acting as the supervisors in the process of production. Farming during the rainy season; irrigation along the river valley and flood plains (Fadamu) during the dry season; fishing and pastoralism, were the main occupational activities pursued by almost all the entire labour force in the area. The main farm produce were millet, guinea corn, rice, beans, cotton, maize ground nut and wheat. Tobacco, sugar cane, and vegetables were produced through irrigation around the river valley and Fadamu during the dry season. The land of Haɗejia like other areas within the savannah zone provided favourable conditions for the production of grains and for livestock husbandry. The nature of the environment also supported other economic activities such as dyeing, weaving, smithing and pottery making. In the mid-nineteenth Century it was reported that in Haɗejia town alone there were three dyeing centres; and many more existed in other towns and villages. In the weaving industry, Bangelu village, lying between Auyo and Haɗejia, distinguished itself in the production of Bullama or white rigas (gowns) of high quality. Also Hadiyin village was similarly noted for its dyeing industry. Fishing as an industry flourished among the people living along the river banks. Settlements south and east of the emirate were known to have large concentrations of fishermen, and indeed fishing formed one of their basic economic pre-occupations. In addition, there was abundance of honey and beeswax in the waste forest (Daji) of the emirate, the sales of which enabled other groups of people to earn a living. As was common in other places, the surplus produce was usually sold out; thus the people of Haɗejia engaged in commercial transactions. So trading activities, both petty and long distance formed another feature of the pre-colonial economy. In this respect, the emirate of Haɗejia in the Nineteenth Century occupied the position of an important source of commodity supplies and a distribution centre east of Hausa land. The emirate mainly exported food items such as wheat and fish in exchange for kola-nut from Kano markets and beyond. Its people also traded in the sales of woven gowns or white rigas, beeswax, hides and skins, fans and cattle in exchange for foreign goods like salt, horses and potash. There is evidence which suggests that Haɗejia, owing to its location on the tran-saharan trade routes, occupied a position of an entrepot in the trade between Kanawa (Kano traders) on the west and the Bornoans, Arab Fezzan, Az binawa or Tuaregs from the east and north, respectively. These various traders used to meet at Haɗejia markets and exchange their merchandize like the famous Kano cloth, potash, cattle, slaves and spices (Abdulkadir 1981). In Haɗejia at that time there were two big market places: one stood outside the town wall, with stalls and hostels for visitors to stay and trade amicably, under the charge of a title holder called Zangoma; while inside the wall stood another market. This fact gave further indication that Haɗejia, in addition to being an administrative and social centre for the emirate, also served as a commercial nerve centre in the region east of Kano.
